Disney v DeSantis: how a corporate behemoth turned beacon of diversity
I n an American political landscape seemingly defined by division and acrimony, one of the bitterest fights is also one of the strangest: the slug fest currently playing out between the rightwing Florida governor and 2024 White House hopeful Ron DeSantis and the Magic Kingdom of Disney World.
Last week was especially strange. DeSantis appeared to have bitten off more than he could chew when, as gas shortages riled Miami-Dade voters, he kept his long-running dispute with Disney World going through turns as tight as the teacups on the Mad Tea Party at the edge of Fantasyland.
DeSantis said he would try to change state law to open Disney World – the state’s largest employer – up to new inspections and threatened to build a prison next to the 43 sq mile family-friendly theme park.
That came after DeSantis signed legislation cancelling Disney’s control of a special tax district, known as the Reedy Creek improvement district, within which Disney World sits, that allowed it to maintain its own police and fire departments, planning powers and some other public functions
As part of Disney’s efforts to retain control, it cited a document passed by the outgoing Disney-sympathetic Reedy Creek board stating that its privileges will stand until “21 years after the death of the last survivor of the descendants of King Charles III, king of England living as of the date of this declaration”.
Disney said it had cited “royal clauses” to skirt rules banning legal covenants that last in perpetuity, and because the Windsor’s family tree was readily available, and because of “better healthcare available to, and longer life expectancy of, a royal family member compared to a non-royal”.
In a counterattack, an attorney for a pro-DeSantis board of
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